TROTZ ALLEDEM!
Joint Declaration of "Inspite of Everything" (Germany), "Red Youth" (Germany) and "Bolshevik Partisan" (North Kurdistan/Turkey)
80th Anniversary of the Assassination of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht Pioneering Champions of the Proletarian World Revolution Forward and don’t forget!
On January 15, 1919, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were murdered in Germany. The murder happened by order of the German social-democracy of the time and their henchman Noske (Noske was Minister of the Reichswehr [German Imperial Army] between 1919–1920 and member of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany, SPD). That was the bloody answer of the ruling class in Germany to the struggle of these two Communists and revolutionary workers for the revolution, to the attempt to push the November revolution forward and go onto the proletarian revolution, and it was the answer to the founding of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) at the turn of the year 1918/1919.
"The assassination of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg is an event of historical meaning not only for the reason that the best persons and leaders of the really proletarian, the Communist International have perished tragically, but also for the reason that the class character of an advanced European state finally revealed itself."?(Lenin, Works, Vol 28, p 476 f).
When we Communists from different countries take stand on the 80th anniversary of the assassination of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, then therefore, because the founding of the KPD and the subsequent assassination of Rosa and Karl was not only a blow dealt against the proletariat in Germany, but also against the international proletariat. Today, 1999, where the cruelties of imperialism step out more openly than ever, where worldwide the revolutionary, Communist movement is very weak, where opportunism and reformism are prevailing in the Labor movement, it is more than ever important to remember these outstanding fighters of the proletariat.?On this anniversary of the assassination of Rosa and Karl this means to defend their fights:?Fight imperialism – for the proletarian world revolution!
Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht – Fighting Imperialism and Colonial Enslavement, Fighting Social-Chauvinism in One’s Own Ranks
In contrast to the prevailing reformism in the social-democracy of those days, the fight of Rosa and Karl was always a revolutionary and socialist fight, their work was marked by a clear stand on imperialism.?At the end of the imperialist world war, when the true inhuman face of imperialism clearly revealed itself and toiling masses all over the world were seething, they wrote:
"Imperialism is bankrupt with its economic policy, with its nationalities policy, with its war policy.?It is at the end of its wits.?It can still spread ruin, misery and anarchy, and organize death.?But it can build no more, organize life no more, it can lead the bourgeois society from anarchy and the bacchanalia of death to normal paths no more.?Only socialism could do all these, the proletarian revolution, which would send the ruling gang of murderers into a tumble with a mighty jerk and show tortured mankind the way out for a new social order." ("Spartacus Letters", August 1918).
Rosa
and Karl fought against the crimes of German imperialism in the
colonial and semi-colonial, dependent countries, against the genocide
in Namibia, against the expansion of German imperialism in Turkey,
against the genocide on the Armenian nation.??Rosa, born in Poland,
fought, after moving to Germany, particularly for the class solidarity
of Polish and German workers in the Poznan region and Upper Silesia and
against the policy of Germanization, as well as against anti-Semitism
in the SPD.?The German imperialists conducted an evil chauvinistic
smear campaign against the Polish population, Polish children were
beaten up badly in school for demanding instruction in their native
tongue.?The first joint activities of the Polish and German
social-democracy took place in 1902.?Rosa Luxemburg joined in too: "The
common enemies of the working class are the capitalists, manufacturers,
the nobility, the priests and the government.?Therefore you must
organize yourselves in the Social-Democratic Party which represents
your class interests and defends the rights of the Polish people. It
does not fight against the German people, but against the government
and the capitalists which mercilessly exploit Polish and German workers
alike.?Only power of the proletariat, united irrespective of
nationality, will bring about a change."?(Quoted in: F. Oelssner,
Biography of Rosa Luxemburg, p 23).
The fight of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht against imperialism was always united with the untiring condemnation of opportunism.?Fighting imperialism meant for her fighting reformism and for the revolution.
"The inseparable combination of imperialism with the capitalist development, whose legitimate child it is? that’s what we must teach the working class to comprehend. And from this it must draw the consequence that one can fight imperialism, war, land robbery, haggling with peoples, infringement, policy of brute force, only in that one fights capitalism, in that one opposes the social revolution to the historic genocide. However, if one looks for remedies and solutions for its conflicts within imperialist politics and wants to oppose its storm and stress in that one tries to reduce it simply to the already overcome, so is that not proletarian, but petty bourgeois, hopeless politics.? This politics is basically nothing other than always defending yesterday’s imperialism against today’s imperialism." (Rosa Luxemburg, ibid.)
German imperialism, seeing that it was getting less than its "fair share" in the division of colonies, pressed for a redivision of the world and armed for war.?At the International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart 1907 when it was represented that a colonial policy can work civilizingly, it was Rosa and Karl who formed along with Lenin a front against the increasing chauvinistic politics within the social-democracy.?Or when it came to the second Moroccan crisis in 1911, it was again Rosa Luxemburg who clearly emphasized the content of the imperialist great-power politics:
"The historical meaning of the Moroccan conflict, reduced to its simplest and crudest expression, is the competition among representatives of European capitalism for who is going to first plunge into the northwest corner of the African continent to devour it capitalistically." (Rosa Luxemburg, Works, Vol 3, p 24).?In the social-democracy, however, the majority under the leadership of Bernstein defended the imperialist exploitation of the colonies and refused demonstrations against the imperialist war policy:
"For Germans who want to carry on trade and industry in Morocco, [one must] see to it that they get all the things they demand in all honesty and reason." (Bernstein, quoted in: Rosa Luxemburg, Works, Vol 3, p 30).
And it was again Rosa and Karl who in leaflets, speeches and demonstrations fought against the chauvinism of the social democracy and exposed this policy.
"‘In all honesty and reason’ Mannesman and Krupp want to be allowed to demand that African workers be delivered to them as leather to tan!? The right to be allowed to incite African workers in mines and plantations to death for capitalist profit, this is for our Bernstein the most honorable and most humane way!" (Rosa Luxemburg, ibid.)
When we remember Rosa and Karl today, that
means for us 
that we
take their fight against imperialism, their internationalist stand
above all towards the peoples oppressed by our
‘own’ imperialism, and their fight for the
socialist revolution as our model.? The conditions have not changed
fundamentally today, we still live in the era of imperialism and the
proletarian revolutions, as always the peoples are bled white in all
corners and ends of the world and enslaved by imperialist great
powers.? German imperialism plays a central role in this.?Our struggle
against it must be a revolutionary struggle like the struggle of Rosa
and Karl, not for a couple of reforms or debt deletions and state
aggreements for an alleged improvement of the situation of oppressed
peoples, but a revolutionary struggle for anti-imperialist democratic
revolutions under leadership of the proletariat in dependent countries
and their continuation to proletarian revolutions as well as a struggle
for proletarian revolutions in imperialist countries.
Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht – Fighting For Building The III. International
The collapse of the II. International became final, as German social-democracy, the strongest and most influential party in the International, in August 1914 passed over with waving flags to the side of the imperialist bourgeoisie and agreed to the participation in the First World War.?Rosa Luxemburg aptly described German socialdemocracy as a "stinking corpse".?Karl Liebknecht was the only MP who voted against the approval of war credits in the German parliament. This stand became an important political starting point for summoning up the revolutionary opposition within the German social-democracy.? His slogans: "The main enemy stands in one’s own country!" and "War on war!" became the torch of the fight against imperialist World War, the symbol of international solidarity of the working class. Along with Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin and Franz Mehring he founded the "Internationale" Group and called up in newspapers and leaflets for international action against the war and for building a new International:
"Under the murderous blows of the imperialist World War, our pride and our hope, the International of the working class, collapsed ignominiously, and our German section of the International the most ignominiously, indeed.?It is necessary to express this bitter truth, not in order to surrender to a fruitless despair and resignation, but, on the contrary, to draw from the ruthless knowledge of the committed errors and the given situation the promising lessons for the future."?(Rosa Luxemburg, Works, Vol 4, p 18 / Karl Liebknecht, Works, Vol VIII, p 68ff).
Lenin made clear that the collapse of the II. International was no coincidence, that opportunism was prevailing long already, and pressed for a fundamental rupture with social-chauvinists. A new, socialist III. International had to be founded. In September 1915 the International Zimmerwald Conference was held in Switzerland.? Karl Liebknecht sent a message of greetings to this conference, in which he called for converting the war into civil war ("civil war, not civil peace!), for revolutionary class struggle, for a ruthless fight against the opportunist deserters and for building a new International:
"The new International will arise on the ruins of the old; can only arise on the ruins of the old; on new, firm foundations. You, friends, socialists from all countries, have to lay the cornerstone today for the future building.?Hold implacably court over the false socialists! Whip the wavering and the hesitating in all countries, also and especially those in Germany, ruthlessly forward!?Long live international, emancipatory, revolutionary socialism!
Proletarians of all countries, re-unite!" (Karl Liebknecht, Works, Vol VIII, p 307).
Although this conference was a step forward, as Lenin said, the centrists prevailed at the conference and prevented the adoption of a resolution over a fundamental rupture with the openly social-imperialistic parties of the social-democracy.?Instead, they wanted to revive the corpse of the II. International. Around Lenin and the Bolsheviks, who acted most consistently, formed the international group of the Zimmerwald Left, which won considerable influence in the following months.
Rosa Luxemburg wrote in prison her famous writing "The Crisis of Social-Democracy" (also known as "The Junius Pamphlet").?Its guiding principles over the tasks of the international social-democracy were adopted in January 1916 by the illegal empire conference of the "Internationale" group.?From then onwards the political publications were published under the name of "Spartacus Letters" and the base-line of further politics developed against opportunist forces:?
"What does ‘unity’ mean? – A new paralyzing discipline instead of the just broken??Three times no!?Rallying without clarification, without agreement? – no!?Rallying the followers of the politics of 4th August, who reckon themselves today to the opposition??Rallying on the basis of this politics? – no!?And not unity on that medium line, on that broad and crooked compromise street of the Marxist center.?No other rallying as on the straight path pointed by the principles of international revolutionary socialism, and from which may not be deviated by one foot, should the future not be a still sadder copy of the sad past and present.?Not unity, but clarity on all matters.?No mild tolerance – not in the opposition either –, but caustic criticism right up to the last fiber, painstaking reckoning down to the last penny? the purifying dispute will be continued in the opposition as well, until internationalism, until the absolute precedence of the international class struggle is acknowledged as the leading principle of the proletarian movement and has become flesh and blood of the readiness to revolutionary action. Or should new cover-ups, new blurring of border-lines stand on the threshold to the new International??Then immediately rather back to the old swamp, it is not deeper than the new one." ("Spartacus Letters", February 3, 1916).
This Marxist stand of Karl Liebknecht led to a progressive demarcation within the opposition, to the rallying of revolutionary forces and urging on of the revolutionary mass movements in Germany against the war and for the overthrow of the government.?An initial effect for the final rupture with the opportunists and for creating the KPD in Germany was the struggle of the Bolsheviks in Russia and the successes of the October revolution:
"Then ? only our Party, the Bolshevik Party, had resolutely broken with the old, Second International of 1889–1914 which so shamefully collapsed during the imperialist war of 1914–18.?Only our Party had unreservedly taken the new path, from the socialists and social-democracy that had disgraced themselves by alliance with the predatory bourgeoisie, to communism; from petty-bourgeois reformism and opportunism, which had thoroughly permeated, and now permeate, the official Social-Democratic and socialist parties, to genuinely proletarian, revolutionary tactics? The foundation of a genuinely proletarian, genuinely internationalist, genuinely revolutionary Third International, the Communist International, became a fact when the German Spartacus League, with such world-known and world-famous leaders, with such staunch working-class champions as Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin and Franz Mehring, made a clean break with socialists like Scheidemann??when the Spartacus League changed its name to the Communist Party of Germany.?Though it has not yet been officially inaugurated, the Third International actually exists."?(Lenin, "Letter to the Workers of Europe and America")
Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht – Fighting For The Proletarian Revolution in Germany
The imperialist bloodshed of the first World War had been going on for over three years already, as news of the October Revolution in Russia rushed around the world, the news that in Russia the rule of capitalists and big landowners was overthrown and the dictatorship of the proletariat, power of the formerly oppressed and exploited had been established over their slaveholders.?A new historical era began, "the era of proletarian revolutions in the countries of imperialism".
"The October revolution has shaken imperialism not only in the centres of its domination, not only in the ‘metropolises’.?It has also struck at the rear of imperialism, its periphery, having undermined the rule of imperialism in the colonial and dependent countries." (Stalin, "The International Character of the October Revolution")
Workers and toilers the world over were roused, and they grasped that new Soviet power was really a government of the toilers and that every talk of the "utopia of socialism", of the "impossibility of fighting the capitalist system" was a lie.
"Currently there is no worker in Europe, neither in England nor in France, nor in Germany, nor in other countries who does not take up the news over the Russian revolution with applause, because he sees in it the hope, the torch which will fan the fire in whole Europe."?(Lenin, Works, Vol 26, p 492).?
This torch burnt throughout the whole world. In Argentina, Chile, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, Finland, France, England, India, Italy, Japan, Poland, Mexico, Austria-Hungary, Rumania, South Africa, in the USA, in Turkey and in many other countries revolutionary organizations called on the working people to follow the Russian example, and there was a gigantic increase in strike and mass movements.?In Finland there was a fight for the takeover of power by the working class, workers’ administrations were set up at the beginning of 1918, in Ireland almost the whole country was engulfed by a general strike against the enforced recruitment for the British army, in Argentina the Communist Party was founded, in Austria-Hungary workers’ councils emerged after mass strikes, in Jamaica the establishment of unions was recognized after strikes.
At that time Germany was the country in which contradictions developed the strongest after the October revolution.?Already after the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, mass actions had risen and the class struggle had intensified in Germany.?With the overthrow of tsarism, the lie spread by the ruling class of Germany of the defense war against tsarism was exposed, for the continuation of the war showed that the true intents of German imperialism were robbery and conquest.??The Spartacus Group stood at the head of the mass movement in Germany and carried the consciousness of the necessity of proletarian revolution into the struggles:
Against "natural worries of the Russian revolution for the future, there is only one serious guarantee:?the awakening of the German proletariat."?"At this moment the password, the warning cry resounds over the international, over the German proletariat again, which only the great hour of a world change can bring:?Imperialism or socialism! War or revolution! There is no third way!" ("Spartacus Letters" No. 5, May 1917).
Lenin was convinced that the revolution stood also in Germany shortly before:
"The German proletariat is the most loyal, most reliable ally of the Russian and international proletarian revolution. Conversion of the imperialist war into civil war is beginning to become a fact. Long live the beginning proletarian revolution in Europe!" (Lenin, Works, Vol 23, p 386f).
In the summer of 1917 the sailor movement, in January 1918 the strike of the ammunition workers and mounting action against hunger and war, were all clear omens of a revolutionary situation. Lenin wrote then:
"The growth of a world revolution is beyond dispute??Most important, however, is the revolt in the German navy.?One can imagine the enormous difficulties of a revolution in a country like Germany, especially under present conditions. It cannot be doubted that the revolt in the German navy is indicative of the great crisis – the growth of the world revolution." ("Letter to the Bolshevik Comrades Attending the Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region")
The German November revolution failed and remained in the last analysis only a bourgeois revolution, because social-democracy, having already thrown revolution overboard, still had a large influence in the working class and among the toiling masses.?Owing to the too late rupture of Communists with social-democratic traitors, the working class had not attained the maturity to lead the revolution as a class and win victory as in Russia.
By then the masses had already had enough of all the griefs of war, 2 million dead since 1914, the working hours had been extended extremely and food rations did not even reach half their pre-war level.?In 1918 the crisis of the ruling class, its inability to continue to govern in present form, had matured.?General Ludendorff had to explain at the end of September 1918 that the war was lost, the situation of the German army required an immediate truce.?German imperialism had collapsed militarily.?The concern of the ruling class now was to maintain its system with all force and to prevent the impending revolution. Terror against the working class was increased, the appeasement policy of the SPD and its henchmen in the unions strengthened, attempts were made to save the monarchy. Friedrich Ebert, chairman of the main committee of the SPD in parliament, who hated the revolution like the plague, became chancellor and called for law and order.?The outbreak of the revolution, however, could not be stopped any more.
The illegal empire conference of the Spartacus Group was held at the beginning of October 1918, adopting a program for the revolution.?The working class was called out to overthrow the government and to revolution. Germany became the focus of world revolution: "In Germany lies the knot of the international situation; only the sword in the hands of the German proletariat can chop it through."?("Spartacus Letters" No. 12, October 1918).
The revolution and the collapse of monarchist Germany facilitated considerably the situation of Soviet Russia, with the help of the Red Army some occupied areas could be liberated. On November 20, 1918, the Soviet government of the Ukraine took up its activities.?In other countries as well, the revolutionary movement was furthered by the November revolution in Germany. There were revolutionary events in Austria-Hungary and the monarchy was overthrown, in Serbia began revolutionary actions, in Poland the Communist Party was created, fights developed for working-class power.?There were mass actions in Paris, sailors’ Soviets were set up in Marseille and Le Havre, the strike movement grew in England.?The "existence in the centre of Europe, in Germany? of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies was bound to revolutionize, and actually did revolutionize, the countries of Europe? the workers had cast off their chains; and this in itself was bound to unloose the revolution in the West, was bound to call forth a rise in the revolution in European countries."?("History of the CPSU(B)", p 231)
November 1918. "Down with the war!?Down with the government – Three cheers for Liebknecht!". Under pressure from the masses Karl Liebknecht had to be released from prison at the end of October.?On November 3 there was an armed revolt of the sailors in Kiel.?In the next few days Germany was encompassed completely, Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged, on November 9 came the nationwide general strike and armed uprising. Karl Liebknecht proclaimed at the Berlin Palace:?"The day of the revolution has come.?The old isn’t any more.?At this moment we proclaim the Free Socialist Republic of Germany." (Karl Liebknecht, Works, Vol IX, p 594).?The German emperor fled, the end of the monarchy was reached.?Although Soviets exercised real power in many cities for a short while and important gains were achieved like general suffrage (also for women!) or the eight-hour day, the influence of social-democracy was still too large.?Along with the USPD, it formed a ‘revolution government’ under Ebert’s leadership. At the same time the SPD concluded a pact with the Army Command which became military basis of the counter-revolution.?Practically, everything remained the same.?Existing Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies were recognized only as consultative organs, the goal was to hand over power to an elected National Assembly as soon as possible. Karl Liebknecht called this "bourgeois-democratic parliamentary play" and Rosa Luxemburg said:
"The revolution has, instead of preventing the counter-revolution, strengthened the bourgeoisie and reaction. The bourgeoisie can not really wish a more favorable government for itself, it is the fig leaf for its counter-revolutionary goals.?Socialism is not a question of parliamentary election, but a question of power.?The proletariat must be equipped for it." (K. Liebknecht, Works, Vol IX, p 631 and R. Luxemburg, Works, Vol 4, p 457f)
The masses were systematically dulled by social-democratic traitors and it was explained to them that they now had a "socialist government", the goal of the revolution was reached.?All this was planned counter-revolution, the old state apparatus got sufficient time to recover to suppress the revolution.
"It seems that basically February is happening by the Germans and not October", wrote Lenin in November 1918.?The German November revolution could not go beyond its initial successes and remained, as far as its character is concerned, a bourgeois-democratic revolution.
Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht – Fight For Building a Bolshevik Party
It was Lenin who on more than one occasion pressed the German Lefts for an organizational rupture with social-democracy and pointed repeatedly and precisely, that the absence of a clear line of demarcation to the opportunism of social-democracy weakens the fight for socialism.?Lenin explained unambiguously, that ideological rupture with social-democracy does not suffice, an organizational rupture also is absolutely necessary.
Rosa Luxemburg, for example, wrote in 1917, that one must fight within the SPD, that a split would be "escapism":
"This giant struggle must be fought out to the last.?The liquidation of this ‘heap of organized decomposition’, which calls itself today social-democracy, is not a private concern to be decided by individual or isolated groups.?It will follow the World War as an inevitable supplement and must be fought out as a big question of public power by summoning up all one’s strength. The decisive die of the class struggle in Germany will be cast for decades in this general clash with the instances of social-democracy and the unions, and it is essential for each of us to say up to the last:?‘Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise!’"?(Rosa Luxemburg, Works, Vol 4, p 235 f).
At first, Karl and Rosa founded the "Internationale" group (later the Spartacus Group) which, however, continued to be a component of the SPD.?The Spartacus Group even joined the USPD (Independent Social-Democratic Party of Germany) as Kautsky and Co. founded it in April 1917.?Despite efforts of the Spartacus Group under the leadership of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht and also parts of the USPD to try to raise the political consciousness of the masses in the revolutionary situation of that time and lead them to revolution, the treacherous influence of the SPD in the masses was still too large. And Rosa and Karl came too late to grasp the necessity of effecting an organizational rupture.?The empire conference of the Spartacus League was held at the end of December 1918, on which the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was founded. In his speech, Karl Liebknecht substantiated the necessity of a firm, resolute Bolshevik Party, without which a consistent struggle for proletarian revolution was impossible:
"It is essential today to draw a clear line.?We must become an independent party. When we part today, a new party must have been founded, a party that stands in contrast to the pseudo-socialist parties? in contrast to the parties that abuse the word socialism to confuse the masses and play into the hands of the ruling classes, a party that resolutely and ruthlessly represents the interests of the proletariat, a party with a unanimous and unified composure of mind and will, a party in which the goal and the means to this goal are selected with a clear determination, with a determination that cannot be bewildered? in which the means are selected according to the interests of the socialist revolution, according to the interests demanded by the world socialist revolution." (Karl Liebknecht, "Report on the Founding Congress of the KPD")
The January struggles were suppressed by counter-revolutionary troops and troops standing under order of the SPD, hundreds of revolutionary workers and soldiers were murdered, among them co-founders of the KPD, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht.
Ernst Thälmann set out the tragedy, the decisive side of this defeat on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the November Revolution in 1928:
"At the turn of the year 1918/ 1919 the masses were ready to fight. But the clear-sighted leader was missing who would have been able to organize this fight, who would have been able to shatter and eradicate the bloodhound Noske and his accomplices Ebert and Scheidemann along with their generals and White Guards through the systematic organization and implementation of an armed uprising.?The revolutionary instinct, the incomparable heroism of the individual leaders of the Spartacus League, of the murdered leaders of our party, could not replace the existence of an iron vanguard hardened to steel in the fire of revolutionary experiences." (Thaelmann, Speeches and Essays in 2 Volumes, Vol. II, p 13).
Lessons For Today
Eighty years have passed since November revolution, since founding of the Communist Party and since the assassination of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, two revolutionary pioneering champions of the international working class.?What does it mean today for us to learn from the events of those days? Even though the bourgeoisie and its scientists and other apologists proclaim again and again that we live in a new era, in the era of "globalization", in which everything is allegedly so different, we ask:?What is it that has changed so fundamentally??– Nothing, we still live in the era of imperialism, the same finance capital rules the world, the same imperialist great powers arm for new wars for a redivision of the world.?The globalization of capital has been a hallmark of the imperialist system for as long as anyone can remember.
To learn from the struggle of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht means to attack imperialism exactly like they did and to propagate the necessity of its violent overthrow through the proletarian revolution. Precisely as also Rosa and Karl finally came to recognize, we must know that we must create a militant revolutionary party, a Communist Party, so that a fight against imperialism and for the proletarian revolution also can be successful.
Rosa and Karl said at the Founding Congress of the KPD 1918 that they "arrived" back by Marx. Today the world Marxist-Leninist movement is experiencing its weakest period.?Reformism and opportunism within the working-class movement are prevailing as never before and we must wage exactly as Rosa and Karl did in all countries the fight against opportunism, against revisionism, against the swan songs for Communism. We must carry revolutionary consciousness into the actions and struggles of the masses and unite them under the revolutionary banner of the proletariat, under the banner of Communism. On the international plane we must strive for unity of all Communist forces, organizations and parties on a Marxist-Leninist platform.
Fight for democratic and anti-imperialist revolution, fight for socialist revolution, or downfall into barbarism!
Communism will conquer!
In a revolutionary situation the pioneering champions of the proletarian revolution in Germany addressed the following call to the masses:
"The mankind stands before the alternative of?dissolution and downfall into capitalist anarchy, or rebirth through social revolution. The moment of decision has come.?If you believe in socialism, now is the time to show it through deeds.?If you are socialists, now is the time to act??And that’s why we call upon you: Off to fight!?Off to action!?
Workers of all countries!
We call upon you to accomplish the work of socialist liberation, to give the disgraced world a human face again and make that word true with which we often greeted ourselves in the old days and with which we parted: The International will be the mankind!
Long live the world revolution of the proletariat!
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
On behalf of the
Spartacus League
Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Franz Mehring, Clara Zetkin."?("Red Flag" of 25 November 1918)
The days will come again when the call: "Long live the world revolution of the proletariat" will not only be a propaganda slogan, but a call to immediate action!
Inspite of Everything (Germany)
Red Youth (Germany)
Bolshevik Partisan (North Kurdistan/Turkey)
The joint revoluionary action in Berlin on 10 January 1999 on the basis of this platform is supported by the: Marxist-Leninist Initiative Vienna (Austria)